Road,
I've read your response and I'd like to first say that I appreciate your well-thought out responses that provide arguments rather than platitudes. You are a great addition to this forum just for that reason. Without naming names, too many personalities over here just banter about on the issues without really qualifying their opinions and disagreements.
War-lover was over-the-top, but that is my M.O. on this forum. I know that you and others likely do not love war, but sometimes talking with hardcore right wingers and war proponents I get the impression that they are "trigger-happy" with lack of a better descriptive term.
On your post:
I am not a democRAT, but sometimes I do agree with their positions, just like I oftentimes agree with some GOPpers. I think many in the DNC have been critical of defense issues and intelligence failures.
I know many Democrats who were upset with Clinton's little war in Kosovo. I even know there was alot of discontent on our involvement there, but not on the scale of discontent in relation to Iraq. I remember in the late 90s, many protests concerning Clinton's decision to bomb. I was fervently upset with Clinton on bombing Sudan and Afghanistan after the Cole incident, in addition to his policy on Kosovo. I thought this was a poor way to combat terrorism and/or ethnic cleansing.
As far as threats go, I think Saddam's military was sorely lacking to pose any serious threat to any of the mideast region countries. Osama's gripe with our staging troops in Saudi Arabia is founded more on cultural grounds than anything else. That is a big problem with the West and the mideast that has been festering since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire early in the 20th century, perhaps even festering long before that event.
Don't get me wrong, I am not defending Osama. He's just an opportunist who's using our cultural influence in the mideast as a way to push is radical philosophies and actions on the world.
Saddam was not a threat simply because he had a watchful eye on him. The Brits and the U.S. have been watching him like a hawk since the end of the first Gulf War. We would have been able to neutralize any threat he might have posed, i.e. moving troops to the common border between Saudi and Iraq. Had Saddam done that, we would have responded swiftly and actually, if Saddam was such a loose cannon, then we should have waited for such an action on his part--it would have made invasion much more justifiable.
If we are going to speak of regional threats, then we certainly have to include Israel in this assessment. They pose, IMO, more of a threat to the stability of the region more than any other country. They use WMD's and have a violence perpetuaty policy in regard to the Palestinian situation--the Palestinians being second-class citizens of that nation.
Also, our armadas that have been in the Med and the Red Sea for more than 12 years also constitutes a threat, or that is the way unfriendly nations in that region see us--the United States.
I mention Israel here because I think that is the most important foreign policy issue in regard to the mideast. If we are going to assert freedom and democracy, peaceful relations, etc. then we need to reevaluate our alliance with that nation.
You wrote:
"Sure it was. 12 years of sanctions and air raids had failed to achieve our stated goal: disarmament and regime change. The Iraqi people were suffering terribly under the sanctions and Saddam was still refusing to come clean about his weapons programs. The definition of lunacy in doing the same thing and expecting a different result."
Regime change from within would have been better than the "nation-building" we are currently involved in over there. It has been messy, as I knew it would be. The president should have prepared the people for this a year ago before the war officially began. Instead, we got rhetoric from the Administration on how easy this would be.
More on your statements here: acc. to the cease fire, Saddam was allowed an allotment of conventional weapons. If we wanted complete disarmament, then we should have included provisions to that effect in the cease fire agreement(s).
And again, I reiterate: Saddam was not a threat to stability or peace of that region than any other nation, i.e. Israel, the U.S., Great Britain.
Lastly, what we were doing before invasion was less coslty than "nation-building." Less costly monetarily and in human lives, enemy and friendly.
You state: "Believers included the U.N., whose inspectors were tossed out of Iraq after they had recorded huge stockpiles after the Gulf War."
It is my understanding that Clinton voluntarily pulled the inspectors out in 1998.
Inspectors returned in 2002 and the top U.S. inspector, the former Marine (can't remember his name but he was vilified by the Bush Admin.) said Saddam and Iraq had no WMD's threatening the U.S. or Iraq's neighbors.
And you say:
"Air strikes are waging war. It's a matter of scale. Deciding to use force is decision that should never be taken lightly. But once that decision is made, I believe you use overwhelming force and finish it as quickly as possible. Less people die that way. (See Vietnam War). 12 years of pin prick bombing raids accomplished little, but it was still use of force, aka waging war."
I agree. What some Dems are advocating is complete pullout and I disagree. It has started, we're probably at the midpoint (hopefully the beginning of the end is in sight), and we need to see this through.
Historically, the U.S. has a poor track record at nation building, especially in the post-war model. I am specifically thinking of the Phillipines, Cuba, Guam, Vietnam, and Korea (which was quite messy back in the 50s). We had successes in Europe, but we find less cultural roadblocks when dealing with Europeans.
You said:
"I find it intriguing that an "America Firster" would have a problem with us failing to follow the by-laws of an international organization as you mentioned earlier, when it clearly would not have been in the interests of our security to do so."
First of all, if we are going to sign international treaties and become a part of international organizations, i.e. NATO, UN, Hague and Geneva Conventions, Kyoto, et al, then we need to agree with the rules and laws. If we don't agree with all the rules and laws then we need to get out of these organizations. We can't just change the rules because we disagree in the middle of the game. Doing so is not "agreeing" it is being unfair and dangerously ethnocentric.
Secondly, I am not certain Saddam posed a threat to our national security.
By America First, I mean we should actively work to perfecting (I know it isn't possible to be perfect) our democracy by tackling our major domestic problems. We have alot of problems as a nation, a society, a culture and these need to be addressed. I am not going to list these problems, because I'm sure you are aware of many of them.
G. Washington warned us about entangling alliances abroad. Yes it was a different world then, but does this admonishment count for something?
Ike warned us of the dangers of the influence the military industrial complex has on our government. Have you seen our defense budget? It dwarfs the defense budget of any other nation! Combine the defense budgets of all other nations on earth and we still outspend them in this area.
You state:
"I disagree. The president reached a conclusion based on the available intelligence; a conclusion that was shared by the previous administration, members of congress on both sides of the aisle that had access to said intelligence and the UN. Was the intelligence 100% correct? Obviously not. But as intelligence failures go, I'd much prefer one that honors a threat too much over one that does so too little. The latter is what allowed 9/11 to happen. "
The conclusions reached by the Bush Admin. are not congruent with Clinton's conclusions a because the latter did not invade a nation. Bush's conclusion was invasion as the best way to "protect and secure" our country and our national interests.
Are we more secure? As long as we have a threat level index, no we are not.
In conclusion, Road, I say this:
The war, as sold by the President to the American people, rested solely on the question of WMD's and these weapons threatening our security. Bush and his cabinet outlined an argument based solely on Saddam's dabbling in WMD's. Now that no WMD's have surfaced, I have two very important criticisms:
1. We need to find the WMD's because until we do, we are not safe and our troops in the theatre are not safe.
2. Now that no WMD's have been found, the Administration is saying that Saddam was bad and "everyone should agree the world is better off without the likes of Saddam..."
This is a problem because we based our justifications for war on the presence of WMDs and the threat they posed. If we had better policy makers, they would have said simply that Saddam was bad and we are taking him out for that reason (which is something I would have found easier to agree with)-- the so-called humanitarian justification for war.
I reiterate the pre-war argument by the Bush administration, included are my criticisms:
1. Saddam is in violation of the cease fire and UN resolutions persuant to the proliferation of WMDs.
2. These WMDs pose a security threat to the United States and to nations in the mideast region.
3. Therefore, we are going to invade and topple the Saddam regime to secure his WMDs because the UN security council resolutions give us the authority to act.
Point three is spurious because the UN did not agree with our proposed action--war. In fact, they voted it down. So, we then set about a completely contradictory policy. We intended to wage war to add "teeth" to the UN resolutions--a body that we considered irrelevant.
Can't you see the contradiction here?
Finally, this whole mess would have been ancient history had we:
1. Not propped up Saddam's regime in the 70s and 80s.
2. George HW Bush would have toppled Saddam in '91.
3. We had a more cohesive and even-handed foreign policy through the years.
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