09-13-2007, 10:41 AM
Memphis stalls under Herenton
Thursday, September 13, 2007
It's impossible to isolate a tipping point in Willie Herenton's mayoral career, a moment in time when it began its downward spiral.
What should be clear to voters preparing for the Oct. 4 city election -- or early voting that begins Friday -- is that there is little hope for Herenton to regain the momentum of his tenure's early years, and the city desperately needs a new leader.
Herenton has been the protagonist, or at least a supportive presence, in a number of Memphis success stories.
After making history as Memphis' first elected African-American mayor in 1991, he provided political fuel for the revitalization of Downtown, the defeat of a legislative challenge to the city's annexation powers, the landing of a National Basketball Association franchise and the revamping of the city's public housing stock under the auspices of the federal Hope VI program.
But he did not benefit from John F. Kennedy's advice, that "Leadership and learning are indispensable to each other," and he has utterly failed to grow as a leader.
By the middle years of his 16-year tenure, Herenton's focus began to wander. He developed the frustrating habit of trotting out a grand idea -- a cumbersome school consolidation plan, casino gambling at The Pyramid and the like -- creating a headline, starting a debate, and then failing to follow through.
We have never liked the moniker "King Willie," but we understand the frustration of those who use it to capture the sense of entitlement Herenton has flaunted and his disdain for criticism from ordinary citizens.
That flaw in Herenton's character was on display this week as he refused to share with constituents the report from a consultant's study of another of his grand ideas -- an expensive new football stadium.
The flaw has been revealed to a distressing level in Herenton's re-election campaign, as he refuses to debate opponents and talks down to constituents in banal, demeaning ads or TV sound bites that show a lack of respect for voters' intelligence.
He essentially launched his re-election campaign with the sensational tale -- bolstered by the word of a convicted forger -- that shadowy business interests in Memphis were trying to discredit him by arranging an illicit sexual encounter.
Later, in a desperate bid to harness fear as a motivating factor, he likened a businessman who financed an investigation of him to a Ku Klux Klansman and said the "white-controlled" media were out to get him.
The paranoia, and even more so the divisive rhetoric, demonstrate Herenton's unfitness to lead the city at a point when racial divisions are diminishing and organizations with diverse memberships are busily promoting public education, developing the workforce and charting economic progress. Meanwhile, the mayor has tagged along on photo opportunities with the police department and the district attorney, but avoided any serious discussion of substantive issues.
Between election seasons, Herenton's work, marked by fluctuating budget projections, unstable bond ratings and a lack of progress on such projects as The Pyramid and Fairgrounds redevelopment, has shaken confidence in his ability to manage the city and its financial resources.
In recent years, he has authored nothing that would move the city forward economically or socially, instead helping discourage talented professionals from coming to Memphis with remarks and actions that damage the city's reputation.
He has become politically isolated, with the exception of such advisers as Reginald French, an admitted bag man for corrupt Atlanta politicians who left city employment during a sexual harassment probe.
Among Herenton's key appointments was Memphis Light, Gas and Water Division chief Joseph Lee, who was later indicted for allegedly interfering to keep City Councilman Edmund Ford's utilities from being cut off for nonpayment.
Much of Herenton's problem, however, goes beyond missteps and poor judgment to a lack of energy and failure to inspire. He comes to almost every discussion with words of discouragement and low expectations, telling Memphians that "No mayor in any American city can solve the crime problem" and, commenting on the city's outmigration problem, "For those who want to leave, goodbye."
Those who disagree with him, he labels "haters," a tactic that many citizens have interpreted correctly as a clumsy effort to stifle dissent and discredit critics.
So Herenton, the trailblazer of 1991, has become a drag on the city's progress in 2007. He should be thanked for those years when he worked hard for the city and given the retirement he deserves.
Friday: The Commercial Appeal's recommended choice for voters in the mayoral race.
Thursday, September 13, 2007
It's impossible to isolate a tipping point in Willie Herenton's mayoral career, a moment in time when it began its downward spiral.
What should be clear to voters preparing for the Oct. 4 city election -- or early voting that begins Friday -- is that there is little hope for Herenton to regain the momentum of his tenure's early years, and the city desperately needs a new leader.
Herenton has been the protagonist, or at least a supportive presence, in a number of Memphis success stories.
After making history as Memphis' first elected African-American mayor in 1991, he provided political fuel for the revitalization of Downtown, the defeat of a legislative challenge to the city's annexation powers, the landing of a National Basketball Association franchise and the revamping of the city's public housing stock under the auspices of the federal Hope VI program.
But he did not benefit from John F. Kennedy's advice, that "Leadership and learning are indispensable to each other," and he has utterly failed to grow as a leader.
By the middle years of his 16-year tenure, Herenton's focus began to wander. He developed the frustrating habit of trotting out a grand idea -- a cumbersome school consolidation plan, casino gambling at The Pyramid and the like -- creating a headline, starting a debate, and then failing to follow through.
We have never liked the moniker "King Willie," but we understand the frustration of those who use it to capture the sense of entitlement Herenton has flaunted and his disdain for criticism from ordinary citizens.
That flaw in Herenton's character was on display this week as he refused to share with constituents the report from a consultant's study of another of his grand ideas -- an expensive new football stadium.
The flaw has been revealed to a distressing level in Herenton's re-election campaign, as he refuses to debate opponents and talks down to constituents in banal, demeaning ads or TV sound bites that show a lack of respect for voters' intelligence.
He essentially launched his re-election campaign with the sensational tale -- bolstered by the word of a convicted forger -- that shadowy business interests in Memphis were trying to discredit him by arranging an illicit sexual encounter.
Later, in a desperate bid to harness fear as a motivating factor, he likened a businessman who financed an investigation of him to a Ku Klux Klansman and said the "white-controlled" media were out to get him.
The paranoia, and even more so the divisive rhetoric, demonstrate Herenton's unfitness to lead the city at a point when racial divisions are diminishing and organizations with diverse memberships are busily promoting public education, developing the workforce and charting economic progress. Meanwhile, the mayor has tagged along on photo opportunities with the police department and the district attorney, but avoided any serious discussion of substantive issues.
Between election seasons, Herenton's work, marked by fluctuating budget projections, unstable bond ratings and a lack of progress on such projects as The Pyramid and Fairgrounds redevelopment, has shaken confidence in his ability to manage the city and its financial resources.
In recent years, he has authored nothing that would move the city forward economically or socially, instead helping discourage talented professionals from coming to Memphis with remarks and actions that damage the city's reputation.
He has become politically isolated, with the exception of such advisers as Reginald French, an admitted bag man for corrupt Atlanta politicians who left city employment during a sexual harassment probe.
Among Herenton's key appointments was Memphis Light, Gas and Water Division chief Joseph Lee, who was later indicted for allegedly interfering to keep City Councilman Edmund Ford's utilities from being cut off for nonpayment.
Much of Herenton's problem, however, goes beyond missteps and poor judgment to a lack of energy and failure to inspire. He comes to almost every discussion with words of discouragement and low expectations, telling Memphians that "No mayor in any American city can solve the crime problem" and, commenting on the city's outmigration problem, "For those who want to leave, goodbye."
Those who disagree with him, he labels "haters," a tactic that many citizens have interpreted correctly as a clumsy effort to stifle dissent and discredit critics.
So Herenton, the trailblazer of 1991, has become a drag on the city's progress in 2007. He should be thanked for those years when he worked hard for the city and given the retirement he deserves.
Friday: The Commercial Appeal's recommended choice for voters in the mayoral race.